Deb Cline
The Hunting of the Gray Whale: The Makah Indian Nation’s
Continuing Struggle to Maintain Cultural Traditions Within a Modern Global Society
“People
of the Cape”
(Sullivan 2000:23)It was a spring evening in 1909 in the tiny village of Neah
Bay on the very northwestern tip of the Olympic Peninsula when the young Makah
prepared for his ceremonial whale hunt. The moonlight reflected off the icy
watersof the Pacific Ocean
as the Makah enters the water unaware of the temperature. On the cold, wet ground
lie barnacles and mussel shells among twigs and leaves, carefully selected for
his ceremonial bath. Ceremonial prayers echoed and whispered into the cool,
still evening as the young man chants and rubs his skin raw using the shells
and leaves. Skeletons and skulls lined the soft dirt outside of the cedar longhouse
nestled within the village. As morning begins, dressed in a coat made of bear
skins and braided hair pulled back against his neck, the Makah sets out to join
the awaiting crew. Under his arm rested a work of art, a sharpened harpoon made
from elk antler and bone fastened to a line of whale sinew coated in cherry
bark. The harpoon head covered in spruce tree gum encased in cedar bark is delicately
decorated in grass. The Makah sets out 30 miles off shore in his cedar canoe
with attached seal skins in pursuit of the gray whale. The chanting of soft
prayers by the men of the tribe could be heard over the paddling as the canoe
made its way from the village into the ocean. The women of the village wait
quietly and in anticipation of ceremonial potlatch.
Over 70 years have passed since the last hunt of the gray whale was celebrated by the Makah Indian Tribe. On May 17, 1999, armed with a .577 high caliber powered rifle, a 30-foot canoe, and a steel harpoon, decedents of the Makah resurrected their cultural tradition of hunting the whale. The gray whale shot and eventually beached was a 30-foot female approximately seven tons. Back on shore, descendents of the Tribe at Neah Bay cheered as they prepared for a ceremonial potlatch and celebration.
Should a 1500-year Native American tradition, unique to a Pacific Northwest
tribe, be maintained in a modern day global society even if it means killing
a mammal once near extinction? It may be hard to imagine why a Northwest tribe
would desire a return to their native tradition of whaling not practiced in
over 70 years. To understand the question and the complexities associated with
it, would mean to understand the history behind the culture of the Makah Indian
Tribe and the strong opposition of the political and environmental concerns.
The history of Makah whaling dates back to somewhere around 1500 years ago.
Hunting of the whale is what uniquely identifies and defines the Makah as the
“Makah” among all other Northwest tribes living along the northwest
coast of Canada. (Sullivan 2000:13) The Makahs have a unique history as “great
whalers and fisherman” among indigenous coastal peoples of British Columbia
and Washington. (Ringuette and Porter 2000:1)
An abundance of marine life including seals, salmon, halibut, shellfish and
most importantly the annual migration of aboriginal whales in the area encompassing
Neah Bay and the Straits of Juan de Fuca have long provided and sustained the
needs of the Makah for several generations. Ethnography written in 1870 by James
G. Swan, who lived among the Makahs for many years said this about the Makahs:
“I have seen them occasionally run foot-races on the beach, climb poles set up for the purpose, and swim and dive in the bay, but they do not excel in any of these athletic exercises. They do excel …in the management of canoes, and are more venturesome, hardy, and ardent in their pursuit of whales, and in going long distances from the land for fish, than any of the neighboring tribes. They are, in fact, to the Indian population what the inhabitants of Nantucket are to the people of the Atlantic coast, being the most expert and successful in the whale fishery of all the coast tribes.” (Sullivan 2000:47 and Swan 1868)
Aside from the subsistence the whale brought to the inhabitants of the village
at Neah Bay, the Makahs had well-established themselves in the early 19th Century
as the “kingpins of a vast trading network.” (Collins 1998:7) Ancestors
of the Tribe became major contributors of maritime trade north and south of
the Pacific Northwest because southwestern tribes rarely came across to the
Straits, while island tribes did not travel as far south as of Cape Flattery.
Therefore, the Makah’s primary wealth remained largely in commercial whaling
and whale products, specifically whale oil, thus, finding their “niche”
in the network economy. Other important contributions to the trade network were
all types of marine life that included large amounts of dried halibut and blubber.
While the meat of the whale was dried for the winter, the oil in and of itself
played an important role in trade among neighboring coastal peoples. (Collins
1998:7) In fact, it was estimated by Swan in the 1850s that the Makahs produced
and sold 30,000 gallons of whale oil yearly to European traders.
They are, in fact, to the Indian population what the inhabitants of Nantucket are to the people of the Atlantic coast, being the most expert and successful in the whale fishery of all the coast tribes.” (Sullivan:47)
Prosperity continued in whaling for the Tribe until the 1920s when the demand for whale oil decreased because sealing became more profitable. Sealing provided another economic resource for the Tribe. Commercial whaling also contributed to the decline in whaling and near extinction of the eastern Pacific gray whale population. (EA 2001:2) Whaling was abandoned for a period of time and the Tribe was then forced to rely on other food sources.
Prior to European domination, the Makahs maintained a high culture. They were
a happy contented people, living off forest and sea, making the most of their
natural resources and using those resources in creative ways. They stored rations
of fish and berries for winter consumption and developed a system of sharing
that provided for the entire village. Cedar also served as a major resource
for housing, transportation (canoes), and clothing. (Tinkam 1971:20-22)
The establishment of European-American capitalism marked the turning point for
the Makah in the struggle to maintain their native ways. To their credit, the
Makahs made concerted efforts to adapt themselves into the mainstream society,
learning that without conformance, would make them dependent and create deprivation
(Collins 1998:2). The Makahs learned English, wore “white man’s
clothing” and tried adapting to more modern ways of life. They were put
on reservations, forced to have their children attend boarding schools, and
abandoned their native language, but they never really lost sight of their native
culture. They were given agricultural equipment by the Bureau of Indian Affairs
(BIA) to begin farming on land that proved agriculturally unsuitable. Introducing
the Tribe to tools proved unsuccessful as a means of transforming the Makah
as they “tore tines off pitchforks to make halibut hooks and turned sickles
into arrowheads.” (Ringuette and Porter 2000:3)
A history of broken promises and a serious distrust of BIA agents, contributed
greatly to distrust between the Tribe and the United States. After the 1855
treaty, Governor Stevens promised to send more modernized equipment for fishing
and whaling, but that never transpired. (Collins 1998:4) According to C.A. Hunnington,
U.S. Indian Agent, in a report dated Sept 5, 1874, his job was made impossible
because of Tribe’s distrust in white man’s promises. Money that
was meant to be disbursed for the tribe for agricultural programs was actually
embezzled by the previous Indian agent. Therefore, his job was made more difficult
because of “the good faith of all white man is doubted.” (University
of Washington Library 1874:329-330)
Assimilated into the mainstream, after ceding their land in 1855, the Tribe
continued to assert themselves in whaling, sealing, and fishing as their ancestors
had, which allowed their self-preservation and maintained their cultural identity.
The Tribe continued to prosper until smallpox nearly decimated the entire population
in 1853 leading to economic hardship and social dislocation. According to George
Gibbs, ethnologist, in 1805-1806 the Tribe’s population was estimated
at 2,000. In 1853, their number was around 500. Other recordings by James G.
Swan were reported at 435 in 1905, 407 in 1937, and slightly higher at 550 in
1950. In 1985, tribal membership was recorded at 919. (Ruby and Brown 1992:125-128
and Swan 1868)
Treaty Rights and Cultural Renewal
What initiates a return to the Makah’s native tradition of whaling after
so many years, and what are the laws that allow the Tribe to continue that tradition?
It was the archeological dig of a whaling village at Ozette uncovered in the
1970s from a mudslide 400 years prior that prompted a return to whaling for
the Makahs. Ancient artifacts uncovered “…reawakened the Tribe’s
interest in and appreciation for its heritage…especially for the role
whaling played in its society.” (EA 2001:47 and Renker 1997) It was hoped
that a return to whaling would bring a renewed energy to the Tribe long lost
after economic hardship. In 1995, a request was made by the Tribe to the U.S.
government of its interest to a return of their native tradition of whaling.
The Makahs believe they have a treaty right to commercial whaling, but have
limited their request for whaling to ceremonial and subsistence need.
Ariticle 4 of the Treaty of Neah Bay secures the “right of taking fish
and of whaling or sealing at usual and accustomed grounds and stations.”
(Treaty of Neah Bay 1855, Article 4). In fact, it is the only treaty in the
United States of its kind outlining provisions extending a Native American tribe
whaling rights.
Well before the treaty was signed, the Tribe’s land actually extended
further back on the north side of the peninsula almost to where Port Angeles
is today. The land which the reservation occupies today is located on the very
northwestern tip of the Olympic Peninsula with an east jetty tip that directly
faces the Pacific Ocean. The “Cape” [Flattery] itself belongs to
the United States War Department along with neighboring islands. Just east of
the Cape and south of the islands, extending six miles in both directions belongs
to the reservation. (Colson 1974:27)
The treaty continues today as the main source of law and is used as argument by tribal lawyers and tribal leaders for the Makah’s legal whaling right. From their point of view, “The right to whale was in a way, the final test of the treaty, proof that it was still a valid document.” (Sullivan:22)“
…the Treaty of Neah Bay secures the ‘right of taking fish and of whaling or sealing at usual and accustomed grounds and stations.’”(Article 4, 1855 Treaty of Neah Bay)
Environmental Impact on the
State of Washington
Reasserting the whole issue of whaling by the Makahs carries a considerably
amount of environmental responsibility on the part of the United States. In
maintaining that responsibility and in response to the Ninth Circuit Court’s
request for an environmental impact statement on the state of Washington, a
report was issued in July of 2001 by the U.S. Department of Commerce National
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration National (NOAA), National Marine Fisheries
Service (NMFS). The report summarizes and addresses the environmental impact,
safety issues, and any threats to humans in maintaining aboriginal subsistence
by the Makahs in the State
of Washington.
Basically, there were four environmental alternatives proposed before the final decision was articulated. Listed below is the preferred alternative by the NMFS:
Alternative 1 grants the Makah Tribe by “the International Whaling Commission
(IWC) quota of five whales a year for ceremonial and subsistence purposes in
2001-2002, however, with restrictions up to and including limiting the hunt
only to the “Pacific coast feeding aggregation.” (EA NOAA 2001,
p. 10).
The most influential body outlining the final factors of the quota of the gray
whales to the Makahs is the International Whaling Commission (IWC). The U.S.
Commission established in 1946, is the delegating authority on protection rights
of commercial whaling. Governments who contract with the Commission also serve
on the IWC. The IWC acknowledges aboriginal whaling as a “distinct category
of its own separate from commercial whaling and exempt from the current moratorium
on commercial whaling.” (EA Report, p.2).
Quotas used by the IWC for aboriginal subsistence whaling are based on the premise
of cultural and subsistence need as long as the supply is plentiful. However,
no formal definition of aboriginal subsistence currently exists within the Commission
only “working group guidelines” used as a framework. (EA Report
p.2).
The preferred alternative specifically outlines the Makahs’ actions on hunting the gray whales to five whales or seven whale strikes, whichever comes first in one calendar year. Regulations established by the IWC and NMFS prohibit the killing of a whale calf or female within proximity by a “mother – calf.” Distribution of the whale meat is limited to the Makah’s ceremonial and subsistence use only with commercial use strictly forbidden. Alternatives 2 and 3 had similar outcomes, however, with targeted migration of whales within certain areas of the Pacific Coast and without federal restrictions of time and place. Alternative 4 denied the Tribe completely. (EA 2001:10)
Past environmental assessment (EA) reports were conducted by the NMFS which
analyzed the environmental effects on whether a decision to support whaling
and the effects of issuing a quota of up to five North Pacific gray whales would
have a negative impact on the human environment. Findings of the Final EA Report
dated October 17, 1997 revealed no significant impact to the state of Washington.
(EA Report 2001 p. 8-9).
Following this report, and in that same month, a lawsuit was filed by U.S. Congressman
Jack Metcalf of the Breach Marine Protection department (Metcalf v. Daley) along
with several others claiming violation of the National Environmental Policy
Act (NEPA) and other statute violations. The outcome of the lawsuit ruled in
favor of the U.S. government followed by a decision by the U.S. District Court.
An appeal however, was filed in the Ninth Circuit Court. Consequently, the overturning
of the decision of the EA report severed the agreement with the Makah Tribe
on August 11, 2000.
Legal Aspects and Federal Responsibility
The United States has the federal responsibility for finding a balance between
preservation of wildlife and maintaining Indian treaty rights. The 1855 Treaty
of Neah Bay and the 1946 International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling
(ICRW) adopted by the IWC hold the U.S. accountable to the Makah’s whaling
rights. The U.S. must meet its obligation to the Makahs and ensure that whaling
activity does not cause harm to the existing stock of gray whales. Such groups
such as the Marine Mammal Protection Act (MMPA) along with the NMFS maintain
the responsibility of marine mammals. These two groups have the responsibility
of overseeing 147 stocks of whales, in particular, the eastern North Pacific
gray whales, and other sea mammals such as seals, sea lions, fur seals, and
porpoises. (EA 2001, p. 7). However, the MMPA does not have the authority to
adjudicate Indian treaty rights.
The NMFS has no objection to Indian tribes harvesting marine mammals so long
as there are no conservation issues at that time. The eastern North Pacific
gray whales were removed officially from the Endangered Species Act (ESA) list
of Endangered and Threatened Wildlife and Plants in 1994. (EA 2001:8) Following
the removal from the list, the NMFS was charged with follow up responsibility
on the stock over a five-year period. In August of 1999, the report of the NMFS’s
Gray Whale Monitoring Task Group completed their five-year report and recommended
continuance of the stock’s classification as “non-threatened.”
(EA 2001, p.8). A petition was filed by D.J. Schubert in response to the NMFS’
report requesting the eastern North Pacific gray whale be listed again as threatened
endangered species under the ESA. In spite of the petition, the NMFS could find
no substantial reason to re-list the eastern North Pacific gray whales.
An important part of the Makah Tribe’s Usual and Accustomed (U&A)
environmental grounds is the Olympic Coast National Sanctuary located just south
of their reservation on the Olympic Peninsula. This area is designated as the
most pristine area of water essential to biological and marine life and connects
with Olympic National Park and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Refuges (USFWS). It also
serves as a wonderful resource of Indian culture and history that encompasses
Indian village sites, ancient canoe runs, and Indian artifacts. The Sanctuary
is within proximity of four Native American Indian Tribes: Quileute, Hoh, Quinault,
along with the Makah Indian Tribe’s U&A. The Sanctuary is protected
by federal agencies such as the NMFS and the USFWS, and also recognizes and
honors the pre-existing treaty rights of whaling by the Makah Indian Tribe.
The responsibility of public safety and whaling participants relies and is addressed
by the Coast Guard. The Coast Guard has established a regulated navigation area
on the northwest Washington Coast that places restriction on various vessel
activities. In the case of the Makah whaling activities, the issue of public
safety and potential danger and loss of life are addressed by the regulated
navigated area (RNA) under the direction of the Coast Guard. Interruption of
routine naval activity is not affected unless it falls within the immediate
proximity of the whale hunt. A zone is established during whaling called the
moving exclusionary zone (MEZ) for the entire time a whale is hunted. During
a whaling hunt, with the exception of the media and Coast Guard authority, all
vessels and persons are prohibited. (EA 2001:15)
Management Plan by the Makah
The Makah Tribal Council maintains a very responsible management plan as outlined
by the IWC together with Article 4 of the Treaty at Neah Bay and in compliance
with the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW)
Schedule Amendment.
The Tribe will maintain some of the traditional methods for hunting the whale
with the exception of a .50 caliber rifle and a stainless steel harpoon mounted
on a wooden shaft. Before arriving at the decision of using a rifle, the Makahs
had worked with Dr. Allen Ingling, a veterinarian at the University of Maryland
and representatives of the National Marine Fisheries Service and the National
Marine Mammal Laboratory. The rifle provides a quick death and is a more humane
eliminating suffering to the whale. (Makah Management Plan 1998-2002:D6)
The Tribe intends to share their “five-year aboriginal subsistence quota
of 620 whales with the indigenous people of Chukotka, Russia.” (Makah
Management Plan 1998-2002:1) The overall success of the Tribe in obtaining the
quota is due to the cooperation and support of whalers from not only Russia,
but Alaska as well, who agreed to reduce to their shared amount of gray whales
in an effort to reduce worldwide quotas. (Tweedie 2002:139)
The Opposition
Does the issue of whaling seem to fit within a global society? There are the
usual animal rights groups such as Greenpeace and PAWS that object to the whole
idea that killing an intelligent mammal is brutal and inhumane. And, too, critics
of Makah whaling say that a return to whaling is no longer justifiable for the
purpose of subsistence in providing for the Tribe at Neah Bay. However, one
of the most compelling political issues facing the Makah’s return to whaling,
is that it may reopen the case of international whaling once again by whaling
countries such as Russia, Japan, Norway, and Iceland who would love to expand
whaling globally. These whaling nations use the term “scientific research”
to disguise commercial hunting and may use the Makah’s return to whaling
as political exploitation for adding “cultural need” to their agenda.
Japan, along with other countries, have pressed hard internationally for some
type of management whaling plan since some whale populations are no longer endangered
-- although some scientists would disagree. However, current moratorium established
by the IWC in 1946 prevents commercial whaling worldwide. An important point
made by Japan at the 1999 annual IWC meeting was that United States had endorsed
the continuance of the Makah’s current hunt in May 1999 and subsidizing
it with $310,000 in grant money, but continued to oppose the tradition of Japanese
whaling. Japan offered the Tribe financial assistance in support of the May
1999 hunt, however, members of the tribe respectfully declined. (Walker 1999:1)“…the
Makah and their situation is being exploited by the cynical forces of industrial
whaling.”(Greenpeace 1999:2)
Some important points brought forward by Peter Walker, Assistant Professor of
Cultural and Political Ecology and Human Environmental Relations at the University
of Oregon’s, Department of Geography, is whether the tradition of whaling
should be continued. Examples, he notes are that slavery was a long standing
tradition among Europeans until it was viewed as unacceptable by society. The
Chinese as part of their ancient tradition, bound the feet of women, and that
some African societies mutilate female genitalia as part of their long-standing
traditions. (Walker 1999:2) While these examples cannot compare to the Makahs
treaty rights of whaling, is the Tribe willing to let go of traditions that
may no longer have relevance in today’s society? Cultural traditions are
sometimes faced with modern realities. The Japanese chose isolation until Commodore
Perry forced them to accept trade agreements. This eventually led to modernization
during the Meiji era. The Japanese chose to discard thousand of years of strong
cultural traditions and become an industrialist nation. (Source: Interview,
local historian, Steve O’Neill)
Conclusions
Where does the whole issue of Makah whaling stand now? On December 20, 2002,
a three-member panel of the Ninth Circuit Court has placed the whole issue on
hold indefinitely. The court recognized that while the overall environmental
effects and removal of the eastern North Pacific gray whale off the endangered
species list did not impose a great impact on the state of Washington, the court
found that the Environmental Assessment Report of 2001 did not adequately address
the whale population in the local area of the northern Washington coast and
Strait of Juan de Fuca. Further, the court has asked the Makahs to obtain a
permit or an exemption from the Marine Mammal Protection Act (MMPA). (Kamb,
Seattle Times, 2001:8) The Tribe plans an appeal to the panel, and may take
it as far as the Supreme Court, if warranted. (Seattle Post-Intelligencer, December
2002). Legally, “Native American Treaty Rights are subject to judicial
review and can be suspended when found to be in conflict with the rights of
other groups.” (Ringuette 2000:9, Gupta 1999:L/N) In this case, the right
to whale by the Tribe may be in violation with the “environmental community”
risking the extinction of a specific whale population in the area surrounding
Neah Bay. (Ringuette 2000:9)
It today’s society, it is perfectly acceptable to fish and hunt within
required limits. The Makahs have a responsible management plan and have made
a sincere effort in working within established guidelines of the IWC, the Treaty
of 1855, and in all other areas outlined by the U.S. Should the Treaty be broken
with the Tribe? And, what can the Tribe hold on to that is exclusively their
unique tradition as a whaling people?
The whaling hunt of May 1999 was the Tribe’s most recent attempt in renewing their cultural traditions and in maintaining their treaty rights. To take away their treaty rights might very well mean losing their cultural identity. The Makahs take an active part in maintaining their traditions and culture and have a history of resisting integration into a global society. In addition, the history between the United States and adjudicating Native American treaty and fishing rights has not always shown an easy relationship.
Whether the Tribe continues their native ceremonial tradition of whaling remains
open for political controversy. The issue of whaling may very well be one of
the last few historical traditions over which the Tribe has control. To have
their landed ceded to the U.S. government in return for fishing and whaling
rights and have the whole issue reversed, may very well be one of the most important
turning points within the history of the United States and Native American treaty
rights of the 21st Century.